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Yoma Strategic
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YOMA
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Contratrader
Elite |
18-Jan-2022 09:15
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nice but some resistance at 143.. | ||||
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MakeChanges
Elite |
18-Jan-2022 09:12
Yells: "No price is too low for a bear or too high for a bull" |
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broke 
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MakeChanges
Elite |
18-Jan-2022 09:07
Yells: "No price is too low for a bear or too high for a bull" |
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bought at 137. hope to break 140 | ||||
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spursfan
Supreme |
17-Jan-2022 08:21
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Telenor Group agrees to sell its stake in Wave Money to Yoma Strategic (Singapore/Oslo &ndash 17 January 2022) Telenor Group and Yoma Strategic have entered into an agreement to sell Telenor Group&rsquo s 51 percent share of Digital Money Myanmar Limited (&ldquo Wave Money&rdquo ) for USD 53 million to Yoma MFS Holdings Pte. Ltd, a subsidiary of Yoma Strategic. This subsidiary is to be funded by a consortium of investors led by Yoma Strategic which remains subject to completion and final funding. When the transaction is concluded, Yoma Strategic will become the largest and controlling shareholder of Wave Money, ensuring that the company continue operations and further extend its leading role in Myanmar&rsquo s fintech sector. ... https://links.sgx.com/1.0.0/corporate-announcements/4SMU5JI5U31TSSAD/697725_PressReleaseProposedAcquisitionofControllingInterestinDMM.pdf |
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MakeChanges
Elite |
04-Jan-2022 07:48
Yells: "No price is too low for a bear or too high for a bull" |
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CLARIFICATION ON ARTICLE PUBLISHED ON NIKKEI ASIA Reference is made to the article released by Nikkei Asia on 3 January 2022 titled ' Telenor to divest Wave Money, exit Myanmar mobile banking' . Reference is also made to the unaudited financial statements of Yoma Strategic Holdings Ltd. (the ' Company' ) and its subsidiaries (together, the ' Group' ) for the six months and the full financial year ended 30 September 2021 dated 29 November 2021 wherein shareholders were informed that the Company would continue to explore opportunities in, and had remained in discussion with Telenor regarding, Wave Money. The Company wishes to clarify that it has not finalised any transaction relating to Wave Money and it will make the announcement when it is appropriate to do so. |
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ozone2002
Supreme |
31-Dec-2021 09:36
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Last:0.13  -0.001current price to 45c is 3 bagger nice 👍 gd luck dyodd |
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Joelton
Supreme |
31-Dec-2021 09:32
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Philippine conglomerate Ayala to take 20.2% stake in Yoma Strategic
PHILIPPINE conglomerate Ayala Corp will take up a 20.2 per cent stake in mainboard-listed Yoma Strategic Holdings Yoma Strategic: Z59 -0.76%, after the latter' s second tranche of placement shares was restructured into a perpetual loan which can only be redeemed by way of allotment and issuance of ordinary shares in Yoma Strategic' s capital.
The companies have converted Ayala' s 5-year loan to Yoma Strategic, together with accrued interests, into a perpetual loan of US$49.1 million under a restructured loan agreement.
In 2019, Ayala, through its indirect wholly-owned Singapore subsidiary VIP Infrastructure Holdings, had completed its subscription of Yoma Strategic' s first tranche of placement shares, in which it took up 332.5 million shares or 14.9 per cent interest in the company.
Later in 2020, Ayala provided a 5-year loan of US$46.4 million to Yoma Strategic, as part of the latter' s second tranche of placement shares.
The shares will be redeemed at an issue price of S$0.45 per share, which is the same issue price as the first tranche placement shares, Myanmar-focused Yoma Strategic said in a bourse filing on Wednesday (Dec 29).
Yoma noted that Ayala had remained supportive of the company despite the continued uncertainty in the economic and business environment in Myanmar, hence the companies " feel that it would be in their respective best interests" to enter the restructured loan agreement.
The loan, as at Dec 29, has also been fully utilised in the manner set out in the placement agreement, which includes funding the growth and expansion of the group' s various businesses and refinancing existing indebtedness.
Yoma will convene an extraordinary general meeting to seek specific shareholders' approval from independent shareholders for the proposed redemption shares issuance.
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Charity88
Senior |
30-Dec-2021 16:30
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https://www.businesstimes.com.sg/companies-markets/philippine-conglomerate-ayala-to-take-202-stake-in-yoma-strategic PHILIPPINE conglomerate Ayala Corp will take up a 20.2 per cent stake in mainboard-listed Yoma Strategic Holdings, after the latter' s second tranche of placement shares was restructured into a perpetual loan which can only be redeemed by way of allotment and issuance of ordinary shares in Yoma Strategic' s capital. The companies have converted Ayala' s 5-year loan to Yoma Strategic, together with accrued interests, into a perpetual loan of US$49.1 million under a restructured loan agreement. In 2019, Ayala, through its indirect wholly-owned Singapore subsidiary VIP Infrastructure Holdings, had completed its subscription of Yoma Strategic' s first tranche of placement shares, in which it took up 332.5 million shares or 14.9 per cent interest in the company. Later in 2020, Ayala provided a 5-year loan of US$46.4 million to Yoma Strategic, as part of the latter' s second tranche of placement shares. The shares will be redeemed at an issue price of S$0.45 per share, which is the same issue price as the first tranche placement shares, Myanmar-focused Yoma Strategic said in a bourse filing on Wednesday (Dec 29). Yoma noted that Ayala had remained supportive of the company despite the continued uncertainty in the economic and business environment in Myanmar, hence the companies " feel that it would be in their respective best interests" to enter the restructured loan agreement. |
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MakeChanges
Elite |
30-Dec-2021 08:42
Yells: "No price is too low for a bear or too high for a bull" |
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Andrew123
Master |
29-Dec-2021 21:09
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Announcement and sounds good | ||||
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Charity88
Senior |
29-Nov-2021 09:07
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https://www.businesstimes.com.sg/stocks/stocks-to-watch-yoma-thaibev-singtel-starhub-china-everbright-asian-healthcare-specialists Yoma Strategic Holdings The Myanmar-based group on Monday (29 Nov) posted a net profit of US$216,000 for the second half year ending Sep 30, 2021, reversing from a loss of US$44.6 million a year ago. This comes despite significantly lower revenue as the group recorded other gains compared to other losses the year before, and a lower share of losses of associated companies. Shares of the counter closed down 1.5 per cent or S$0.002 at S$0.133 on Friday (Nov 26). |
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Singpost
Master |
29-Nov-2021 08:38
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rally ?
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spursfan
Supreme |
29-Nov-2021 07:10
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6M-Sept2021 Earnings Results... https://links.sgx.com/1.0.0/corporate-announcements/5K9U51LISSW7007E/692384_YomaResultsBriefingSlidesFY30Sept2021.pdf | ||||
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Entropy72
Master |
18-Nov-2021 20:00
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Results out 25 Nov. | ||||
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Atom99
Master |
13-Nov-2021 21:47
Yells: "Once you hv eliminated the impossible,whatever remains TRUTH" |
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From Frontier Friday. Military cronies eye Telenor The junta is opposing Telenor&rsquo s proposed $105 million sale to Lebanon&rsquo s M1 Group, according to the Financial Times, who spoke to individuals familiar with the situation. Though the military has not yet gone as far as to block the sale entirely, they appear to be doing everything in their power to force the sale to a Myanmar-based company instead &ndash presumably one that will eagerly hand over whatever user data the regime wants. The junta is essentially holding the company hostage, as it has barred Telenor executives from leaving the country. Telenor said it is awaiting &ldquo the Myanmar authority&rsquo s final response&rdquo . As the sale continues to stall, The Irrawaddy has reported that some of Myanmar&rsquo s junta cronies are expressing an interest in getting in on the action. Reuters already reported that M1 was in advanced talks with one Myanmar company, Shwe Byain Phyu Group, whose chairman has connections to the military-owned telco Mytel. But it seems some other, even better connected military cronies are entering the fray. Amara Communications, a subsidiary of IGE Group owned by Nay Aung, brother of Navy chief Moe Aung KT Group, owned by Johnathan Kyaw Thaung who has ties to Min Aung Hlaing&rsquo s son and Yoma Strategic Holdings, a conglomerate owned by tycoon Serge Pun, have all expressed an interest in acquiring a stake in Telenor Myanmar, according to the Financial Times. Serge Pun is already, indirectly, in business with Telenor Myanmar, as both companies hold a stake in Wave Money, the fintech service that Serge Pun runs.
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Entropy72
Master |
02-Nov-2021 00:34
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Yoma no longer the transparent company it used to be. Sweeps everything under the carpet and never bothers to update investors on significant developments. ------------------ Farewell, Myanmar: Corporate exodus grows, from Europe to IndiaJapanese companies torn on whether to stay or go as economic growth stalls BANGKOK -- At German wholesaler Metro' s warehouse outside of Yangon, the commercial capital of Myanmar, unmarked white trucks were parked in a line, stripped of their blue-and-yellow logos. Cardboard boxes sat in piles inside the wholesaler' s downtown showroom, which had already closed for business. " Friday will be our last delivery," a security guard at the warehouse said Thursday. Nearly nine months since the Myanmar military took control of the government, a slowing economy and mounting human rights concerns are pushing foreign companies to leave the country once hailed as Asia' s last great frontier market. Metro announced last month that it will cease operations by the end of October, citing a volatile investment and business environment. " The current circumstances no longer allow us to operate the business to the high standards we set ourselves," the company said in a statement. The company entered Myanmar' s wholesale market in 2019, supplying food to restaurants and hotels through a joint venture with Yoma Strategic Holdings, a unit of local conglomerate Yoma Group. The venture had received funding from the World Bank Group' s International Finance Corp., which was expecting Metro and its partner to improve the quality of Myanmar' s entire food supply chain, create jobs and raise farmers' income.  The Metro Myanmar distribution center in the Thilawa Special Economic Zone outside of Yangon.Melvin Pun, CEO of Yoma Strategic Holdings, blamed slumping demand from hotels, restaurants and cafeterias due to the coronavirus pandemic. " We will stop operations and then work on closing the joint venture," Pun told Nikkei. " We will likely sell the assets and business in the coming months." European companies, which face particularly strong pressure on human rights from shareholders and advocacy groups at home, so far have made up the bulk of those exiting Myanmar. In July, Norwegian telecom provider Telenor Group said it would sell its mobile operations in Myanmar for $105 million. Authorities had been pressuring the company to install spyware, sparking human rights concerns. Now the company faces uncertainty due to the military regime' s reluctance to approve the deal. British American Tobacco also plans to leave by the end of the year. " Having evaluated the long-term operational and commercial viability of our business in Myanmar, we have taken the decision to withdraw from the country," Madeeh Pasha, corporate affairs manager for Middle East and South Asia operations, said in an email. But the exodus is starting to spread beyond European multinationals. India' s Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone on Wednesday said it would withdraw investment in Myanmar. The port operator had been working on a $290 million container terminal on land leased from the military-backed Myanmar Economic Corporation, which critics say helps fund the military. " The company' s risk management committee, after a review of the situation, has decided to work on a plan on exiting the company' s investment in Myanmar, including exploring any divestment opportunities," the port operator said in a statement. A total of 1,873 foreign-invested projects existed in Myanmar as of the end of September, according to its Directorate of Investment and Company Administration. The number has not changed dramatically since before the military took control, suggesting most businesses are still assessing the situation. But the number of newly approved investment projects plunged to 48 for the year ended September -- just one-fifth the year-earlier level. Most of them were approved before the military took control in February, replacing a government led by Aung San Suu Kyi' s National League for Democracy elected in the November 2020 poll. In addition to human rights, foreign investors have been deterred by the financial turmoil under the military government. Foreign currency at Myanmar banks is in short supply, and the local currency, the kyat, has swung sharply. " We can' t convert our revenue into dollars to pay for products," one importer said, adding that many other companies are experiencing similar difficulties. The list includes manufacturers that source their materials and parts from overseas. Myanmar' s economy will shrink 0.1% in 2022, then grow about 2.5% a year between 2023 and 2026, according to the International Monetary Fund. This would mark a stark turn of fortune from bullish midterm forecasts of around 6.5% growth made before the takeover. Amid the growing business exodus, many Japanese companies find themselves torn. The Japanese government had supported businesses making inroads into Myanmar after it began a transition to civilian rule in 2011, and Japanese-owned companies in the Southeast Asian country now greatly outnumber those from Europe or the U.S. " We' ve already invested a significant amount, so we don' t really have the option to leave," said an executive at a leading manufacturer. A country manager of a trading house said, " We need to wait and see how the situation will change." Asked how long the company can wait, the manager replied, " Perhaps until the election." The military regime says a general election will take place by 2023. However, it is uncertain whether voting will be free and fair. Another executive in the service industry said his company faces a dilemma over investor concerns. " We can' t make big investments since shareholders might object," the executive said. A Japanese-owned accounting firm in Myanmar has seen business dry up. " About 20% of our client companies have either decided to withdraw or gone dormant," a manager said. In one of the most high-profile moves by a Japanese multinational in Myanmar, beverage maker Kirin Holdings said it will dissolve its joint venture with a military-backed company shortly after the takeover, though negotiations have since stalled, a senior executive said. " Basically we want to stay in Myanmar," the executive said. " Some manufacturers have said they will leave Myanmar but we don' t think there are many." The Thilawa Special Economic Zone is the biggest showcase for Japanese investment in Myanmar. The power grid, port and roads there were funded through yen-denominated loans backed by the Japanese government, and operator Myanmar Japan Thilawa Development (MJTD) is 49% owned by Japanese players, including trading houses Sumitomo Corp., Mitsubishi Corp. and Marubeni. About half the roughly 100 companies operating in the zone are Japanese-owned. Although some suspended operations following the takeover and amid a surge in coronavirus infections, " almost 90% of our tenants from before the takeover are now back in operation," an MJTD executive said. But there are signs that many of them may not be running at full capacity. Owners of nearby restaurants and tea shops say customer traffic is a fifth of what it used to be. " Normally during lunchtime, we are so busy we don' t even have enough tables," one owner said. " Now, only four or five customers will come in." Pulling out of the country threatens the loss of local jobs, which adds another dimension to investors' decision-making. " NGOs and other groups do not want businesses to leave recklessly, and are more concerned with funding and other ties with the military," said Yusuke Yukawa, head of the Yangon Office of Japanese law firm Nishimura & Asahi. " If companies choose to continue operating, they will need to conduct a more high-level review on potential risks that they could contribute to human rights abuses." |
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Entropy72
Master |
24-Oct-2021 17:28
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DYODD. Not asking anyone to buy or sell. Just do homework to know the situation for Myanmar and Yoma before taking further actions.
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kepoh88
Veteran |
24-Oct-2021 15:20
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Hope you are right and not agent for Korpenic
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Entropy72
Master |
24-Oct-2021 14:47
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The political tide in Myanmar is turning slowly but surely. The Tatmadaw is facing resistance internationally and domestically. Financial, diplomatic and military pressures are choking it. The morale among its troops must be extremely low and loyalty to the generals waning with time.
The most graceful exit for the Tatmadaw is to hold an election before the country implodes further, but they will try to exclude NLD. Watch these developments closely for Yoma investors. |
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Entropy72
Master |
24-Oct-2021 14:41
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Myanmar?s Junta Has No Diplomatic Cards to Play
2 days ago The Irrawaddy At the very outset of the Myanmar military?s coup, Myanmar watchers predictably observed that coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing had tugged at the tiger?s tail. That observation seems to be spot on. In the nine months since the February 1 coup, the illegitimate rule of the junta has been confronted with unprecedented pressure on multiple fronts. The initially peaceful anti-regime protests have morphed into armed resistance, posing a significant threat to the junta?s rule across the country. Basic administration is a shambles, the economy is in tatters and the country is rapidly becoming a failing state. But besides all that, the most pressing challenge for the regime is the ever-increasing opprobrium from the international community. Since the first day of the coup, the generals appeared to expect the inevitability of pressure, condemnation and sanctions from the international community. Therefore, in his meeting with the United Nations (UN) Special Envoy Christine Schraner Burgener, the second-highest ranking leader of the junta, Deputy Senior General Soe Win snapped that ?we have to learn to walk with only a few friends?. That message obviously reflected the regime?s myopic and devil-may-care attitude towards the country?s previous pariah status. In fact, the junta?s plan was to dust off the old diplomatic playbook of the military dictatorship era. Since the military?s first coup in 1962, the successive dictators of Myanmar have survived in power with just a few international friends. The latest generation of officers has admired that modus operandi as a diplomatic tour de force. Therefore, Dep. Snr. Gen. Soe Win?s remarks came as no surprise. Who he meant by a ?few friends? were China, Russia, ASEAN countries and a few congenial pariah states. The junta has undoubtedly banked on China and Russia, two powerful players on the UN Security Council with the power of veto and their devil?s alliances, as well as presuming that with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on their side, they are insulated from the pressure and sanctions of the West. The Devil?s Alliances The script went as planned initially. The West unanimously denounced the coup and subsequently imposed sanctions on the coup leaders and their economic interests. China, Russia and the ASEAN countries early on took ?a hand-off approach? to the coup. A day after the military takeover, Chinese state media downplayed the coup as ?cabinet reshuffles? and at the UN, China and Russia blocked a UN Security Council Statement condemning the putsch. In fact, one week prior to the coup, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu visited Myanmar to sign off on a deal to increase the supply of military equipment. During that trip, the Russian defense minister did not meet the representatives of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, but only the military chief and signed the deal even without the presence of the government. In line with this preference for the military, Russia?s representatives at the UN Human Rights Council understated the coup as a ?purely domestic affair of the sovereign state?. In mid-February, when the nationwide anti-regime protests gained momentum, the Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar said, ?the current development in Myanmar is absolutely not what China wants to see? and urged all parties to ?handle differences properly under the framework of the constitution and law?. China apparently adhered to the point, but it had gradually extended its normal relations with the junta behind the scenes with the hope that the regime would control the situation sooner or later. Amidst the bloodshed, as junta forces killed scores of non-violent protesters in shocking violence, Russian Deputy Defense Minister Aleksandr Fomin attended the Armed Forces Day military parade in Naypyitaw on March 27, in a demonstration of Russia?s support for the regime. Junta chief Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing also visited Russia on June 24. ASEAN countries did not adopt a unanimous position on the coup. Within days of the takeover, Thailand and Philippines labelled the coup as an ?internal affair?. Singapore expressed grave concern but offered no support for the broad sanctions imposed by the West. Malaysia and Indonesia took a further step by urging ASEAN to hold a special meeting to discuss the coup?s potential impact on regional stability. Due to the junta?s increasingly violent crackdown on civilians, ASEAN foreign ministers duly met in an informal meeting a month after the coup, but they failed to agree a collective condemnation of the coup. Belying this effort, three members of ASEAN ? Thailand, Vietnam and Laos ? sent representatives to the Myanmar military?s March 27 parade, hosted by the junta chief. The junta?s ?few friends? strategy appeared to be working with the support ? at least tacitly ? of certain important regional countries. Five Points of Consensus The coup leaders ratcheted up their brute force terror campaign against the non-violent civilian resistance in order to make the recalcitrant protestors submit to their authority. Much of Myanmar has become a battlefield overwhelmed by the savage violence of the junta. Its security forces have murdered more than 1,100 people and arbitrarily detained over 9,000. In the age of livestreaming, the world was stunned to witness the scale of the junta?s violence and its sheer barbarity. As a consequence, international pressure and condemnation surged and China and Russia later converted to more cautious approaches towards the coup. With growing instability and threats to its interests in Myanmar, China started to mull over the possible ways to restore normalcy to its neighbor and failing state. In contrast to its early designation of Myanmar?s coup as a ?domestic affair?, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi encouraged the leaders of ASEAN in early April to hold a ?special meeting as soon as possible to mediate? in Myanmar. Even Russia voiced its deep concern at the growing number of civilian casualties. Likewise, ASEAN could also not remain indifferent to the deteriorating situation of its member state. On April 24, it held a special summit on Myanmar, resulting in the ?Five Points of Consensus? to facilitate a peaceful solution to the crisis. Although there were several criticisms of ASEAN?s soft approach to the junta, the international community, including but not limited to the UN, United States, European Union (EU), China, Russia, India and Japan, supported the bloc?s consensus as ?an encouraging step? towards resolving the political impasse. However, as expected, ASEAN struggled to implement its five-point consensus and, owing to its internal divisions and lack of leverage over the junta, it took over three months even to appoint a special envoy. The junta has been obstinate about making even small concessions to the consensus, despite grudgingly subscribing to ASEAN?s plan at a time of heightened pressure on it. Criticism had grown that ASEAN was buying time for the junta to consolidate its rule. Twists and Turns In reality, the junta has failed to consolidate its rule over Myanmar. With only coercive power at its disposal, its brutal and lethal suppression of peaceful protests has transformed a non-violent movement into widespread armed resistance. The violence is spiraling out of control across the country, heading in an unwelcome direction for the regime?s few friends, especially China. Although China is carefully hedging its bets on the junta and its opposition, it has ?assessed that the Myanmar military is the likeliest victor? since day one of the coup. However, the growing instability, and the subsequent spillover impact on its interests and the stability of its shared border with Myanmar, has prompted China to reconsider its position. Moreover, Beijing seems unhappy with the junta?s moves to draw Russia closer to avoid over-reliance on China. In contrast, Beijing has had more cozy relations with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD than with the military. Thus, Beijing increasingly calculates that Suu Kyi and the NLD are still the key players for de-escalating the rising conflicts and returning Myanmar to the old status quo. In late August, China?s special envoy for Asian Affairs, Sun Guoxiang, turned up for a week-long visit to Naypyitaw and reportedly insisted on meeting Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, but to no avail. When the junta?s Union Election Commission stepped up the push to dissolve the NLD, China demonstrated its opposition to that decision by issuing its response to the NLD?s congratulatory letter on the Communist Party of China (CPC) centenary and, later, by inviting the NLD to the meeting of ?Political Parties? Cooperation in Joint Pursuit of Economic Development? organized by CPC. A big hit to the regime was that China reportedly struck a deal with the US to keep U Kyaw Moe Tun, who stands with the anti-junta movement, in Myanmar?s UN seat by blocking the junta?s representative. The regime?s hopes for international legitimacy have therefore waned with time. The EU also adopted a resolution that ?supports the CRPH [Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw] and the National Unity Government as the only legitimate representatives of the democratic wishes of the people of Myanmar?. However, the junta still hoped to retain support from ASEAN. The Crumbling of Hopes Considering ASEAN?s long-standing commitment to non-interference and consensus-based decision-making, the coup leaders certainly presumed that they could manipulate the bloc in their favor. Shortly after accepting the five-point consensus, the junta leader walked back his commitment by saying that the proposals would be considered after stability has been restored. The junta also highly anticipated that ASEAN?s special envoy Erywan Yusof would dance to its tune. Before reaching the detailed agreement for the envoy?s trip, the junta already invited its close political parties to meet him in Naypyitaw. They rejected his request to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the farcical grounds that she is facing trial on several charges, and tried to convince him to ?build trust and confidence? on his first trip. The junta took it for granted that its maneuvering would prevail over an indecisive ASEAN but the ASEAN envoy unexpectedly cancelled his trip to Myanmar. International pressure on ASEAN has been increasing: the UN general secretary cancelled a scheduled virtual meeting with ASEAN ministers at the last minute so as not to be present with the junta?s representative in the same online room. Some members came to the realisation that ?this is a matter of life and death for the credibility of ASEAN?. It eventually resulted in an emergency meeting of ASEAN which decided to exclude the junta leader from the upcoming ASEAN summit. It was an unprecedented move by the consensus-based ASEAN, and a death blow to the junta?s hope for international legitimacy. The junta said that it was ?extremely disappointed? with ASEAN?s decision, and no doubt it was. The old diplomatic playbook of the dictatorship is not working anymore. The regime?s few friends, whom they have relied upon too much, turned their backs. As usual, the junta blamed foreign intervention ? US and EU pressure on ASEAN ? for the decision. Snr. Gen, Min Aung Hlaing questioned ASEAN?s failure to be concerned about the rising violence provoked by the opposition. As well as growling back at ASEAN to cover its humiliation, the junta tried to put on a political trick-show in order to pull its estranged few friends back to its side. Two days after ASEAN?s decision, the junta announced the release of 1,316 political prisoners and 4,320 political detainees held for anti-junta protests. However, it was not enough to coax ASEAN into rolling back its precedent-setting decision. ASEAN?s decision has had a devastating impact not only on the junta, but on the former generals who always bragged about their political and diplomatic success from surviving intense international pressure with the support of a few friends during the period 1988 to 2010. The decision has also clearly demonstrated the illegitimate rule of the junta and the incompetence of Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, who is unable to consolidate his power. It may even lead to the military questioning his leadership, fueled by the frustration of retired generals. Nine months after the coup, the junta has achieved nothing except to plunge Myanmar into political chaos that threatens to turn the country into a failed state, sparking more violence and wrecking the entire economy. Now, the regime cannot even rely on the old diplomatic playbook of previous dictators. Among the junta?s many failures, that may prove to be extremely costly, not least to the regime?s own internal cohesion. Ye Myo Hein is the executive director of the Taguang Institute of Political Studies and a fellow with the Asia Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. |
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