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Goodwill77 Supreme	12-Dec-2023 18:23        Goodwill77 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 1   x 0  Alert Admin	Heading towards south  base on the way it is being sold down, quite jialat need to wait for a lower entry point   Goodwill77      ( Date: 12-Dec-2023 16:23) Posted: trying to absord selling at 68 need to see how it close later    HuatAh7898      ( Date: 12-Dec-2023 14:35) Posted: 67 support must not give way, otherwise more sellers come out
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Panda8 Veteran	12-Dec-2023 17:29        Panda8 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	89.... 71...70...69...68...67....  what is next???  Panda8      ( Date: 11-Dec-2023 17:16) Posted: 71.... 70.... 69.... 68.....  what is next.......
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Ryuuenji Elite	12-Dec-2023 16:47        Ryuuenji About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	More like distribution at this level. Likely going towards 64.
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Goodwill77 Supreme	12-Dec-2023 16:23        Goodwill77 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 1   x 0  Alert Admin	trying to absord selling at 68 need to see how it close later    HuatAh7898      ( Date: 12-Dec-2023 14:35) Posted: 67 support must not give way, otherwise more sellers come out   Goodwill77      ( Date: 12-Dec-2023 14:26) Posted: Selling pressure is still there broke 68 level again watching it
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Entropy72 Master	12-Dec-2023 14:37        Entropy72 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Myanmar economy to stagnate as fighting escalates at border World Bank warns conflict in north disrupts vital trade routes with China THOMPSON CHAU, Contributing writer December 12, 2023 13:59 JST TAIPEI ? Myanmar?s crisis-torn economy is projected to grow just 1% over the year to March 2024, the World Bank said in a report published on Tuesday, as the rising resistance against Myanmar?s military regime has disrupted its vast border trade. According to the World Bank?s semiannual Myanmar Economic Monitor, gross domestic product growth is expected to remain stagnant at about 2% next fiscal year. The assessment comes as Myanmar?s generals have struggled to quell opposition against their rule in the country?s heartland and have failed to thwart a coalition of resistance forces that recently forced the regime out of the vast borderlands, stripping the military of lucrative border trade revenue. The report warns that the conflict, which has escalated across much of Myanmar since late October, is causing displacement, labor shortages and increased logistics costs. ?Armed clashes have disrupted vital trade routes, particularly in the northern Shan state, which is a major hub for border trade with China. Operations at several border crossings with Thailand and India have also been disrupted,? the report said. Fighting has affected Myanmar?s trade with its neighbors across land borders, which accounted for 40% of its exports and 21% of its imports in the six months to September 2023, the World Bank said. ?Key transport routes within Myanmar have been blocked, restricting the movement of people and trade of goods, and leading to shortages of food and other basic items in local markets.? The kyat?s volatility, persistent power outages and high inflation have also hammered businesses and households, meaning there will be ?little economic growth? in the country in the near term. Under Senior General Min Aung Hlaing?s regime, Myanmar is the only economy in East Asia that has not returned to pre-pandemic levels of activity and remains about 10% lower than it was in 2019, according to the World Bank. The State Administration Council, as the regime is officially called, struggles to tame the population despite a crackdown that involves airstrikes and artillery bombardments on villages. Ethnic armies in northern Shan state, in coordination with anti-regime forces in other parts of Myanmar, have launched the most serious challenge against the regime since the generals toppled Aung San Suu Kyi?s government in February 2021. Hundreds of troops are estimated to have been killed in a joint resistance known as Operation 1027. The World Bank says that even if the conflict eases, growth is expected to remain subdued over the rest of 2024 and into 2025, citing the slowdown across agriculture, manufacturing and trade. Growth will be limited as conflict-related uncertainty dampens consumption and investment. ?The economic situation has deteriorated, and uncertainty about the future is increasing,? said World Bank Country Director for Myanmar Mariam Sherman. ?High food price inflation has had a particularly severe impact on the poor, who spend a larger portion of their income on food and who tend to live in areas where prices have risen at a faster pace.? The World Bank report said inflation is set to remain at around 20% until March 2024. ?While several prices eased in the first half of 2023, the recent reemergence of exchange rate pressures is likely to see prices continue to rise at a rapid pace this year.? Balance of payments pressures will continue over the medium term, with projected widening of the trade and current account deficits to 6.8% and 6.7% of GDP, respectively. This will be largely due to an anticipated slowdown of exports, the bank noted. The overall budget deficit is estimated to stay elevated at 5.7% of GDP until March 2024. High logistics costs, restrictions on trade and foreign exchange, and electricity shortages have increased the cost of doing business and reduced the garment sector?s international competitiveness, the report said.
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HuatAh7898 Elite	12-Dec-2023 14:35        HuatAh7898 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 1   x 0  Alert Admin	67 support must not give way, otherwise more sellers come out   Goodwill77      ( Date: 12-Dec-2023 14:26) Posted: Selling pressure is still there broke 68 level again watching it
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Goodwill77 Supreme	12-Dec-2023 14:26        Goodwill77 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 1   x 0  Alert Admin	Selling pressure is still there broke 68 level again watching it
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Alignment Elite	11-Dec-2023 22:21        Alignment About Contact  Quote this Post! Style: Fundamental
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	No one is good at it. That' s why it' s better not to interfere in other countries in the first place. Be like Singapore - respect all nations, act as a peacemaker and don' t stir up trouble.
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Entropy72 Master	11-Dec-2023 22:03        Entropy72 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Which country is the expert? And who is willing to undertake such a task? Good thing NUG exists and it is best for nation building to be led by its own leaders, assisted by friendly countries. Alignment      ( Date: 11-Dec-2023 17:24) Posted: The United States is not exactly an expert when it comes to competent post-war reconstruction. Just look at what they did in Iraq and Afganistan, to name just two of their more recent ventures. Entropy72      ( Date: 09-Dec-2023 12:59) Posted: Time to start planning postwar future of Myanmar's military Rebuilding will not be possible without thorough reform of the security sector Zachary Abuza November 29, 2023 17:00 JST Zachary Abuza is a professor of national security strategy at the U.S. National War College in Washington and the author of ?Forging Peace in Southeast Asia: Insurgencies, Peace Processes and Reconciliation.? The views expressed here are his own and may not reflect those of the college or the U.S. government. For the first time since Myanmar?s military seized power on Feb. 1, 2021, there are signs that the leadership is seriously rattled. The launch of an unprecedented coordinated offensive last month by three key ethnic armies has had a contagion effect, leading to a wave of concurrent attacks around the country by allied and affiliated ethnic resistance organizations and militias, known as people?s defense forces. Alongside the capture of more than 150 military posts, including those at two key trade hubs along the Chinese border, there are reports of growing desertions and the surrender of at least two battalions.While the regime?s defeat is not a given, it is now possible to start to imagine a return to true civilian rule. As such, the international community should start assisting transitional planning by the country?s democratic forces. Regardless of whether the military collapses or negotiates a settlement, Myanmar?s needs will be enormous. It will require support recovering from severe economic mismanagement, restoring democratic institutions and reinstating effective governance. Equally important and arguably most urgent, planning must begin for the overhaul of Myanmar?s security forces. A key argument from governments reluctant to support Myanmar?s resistance forces has been that only the military can hold the fractious country together. This is a total fallacy. The military, which has ruled Myanmar almost continuously since 1962 save for a decadelong interregnum beginning in 2011, has long been in constant war with its own population to justify its hold on power. Now fears that Myanmar could become a failed state are rising again, particularly among neighboring countries, as fighting escalates and the military suffers hitherto unimaginable battlefield losses. Yet there will be no political vacuum. For all their faults and limitations, Myanmar?s shadow parliament and the parallel National Unity Government enjoy popular legitimacy, thanks largely to their commitment to establishing a federal democratic system and devolving significant political and economic power to state governments. Rebuilding Myanmar will be an enormous undertaking and indeed impossible if there is not a thorough reform of the military. The army must be fundamentally overhauled in order to prevent another coup d?etat or interference in the democratic process. Beyond a transitional justice mechanism for military leaders responsible for atrocities and widespread arrests, there are four issues that any successor government and the international community must consider: First, the Burman-dominated army, known as the Tatmadaw, must be disbanded and rebuilt from scratch. Once thought to number over 400,000 personnel, experts estimate the total force now at under 200,000. This is a broken institution with no sense of profession of arms. Its counterinsurgency doctrine, known as the ?four cuts,? is designed to terrorize the population into submission. War crimes are part of its strategy. But what could take its place? Given the major contributions of ethnic armed groups to the resistance, a British- or Indian-style regimental system, with significant representation by ethnic minorities, would be most appropriate. This would entail the formation of distinct units organized along ethno-linguistic lines and tied to specific regions of the country. There could be a small military command, including headquarters, logistics and procurement, military justice, training and education functions. The navy and air force could also be centralized. The ethnic resistance organizations would have to fold their troops into a national chain of command, with pay, logistics and some centralized training and doctrine. They should be allowed to maintain their independent uniforms and insignia.Committing itself to such a system would garner the National Unity Government trust and goodwill from its allies. The international community should commit to funding disarmament, disengagement and rehabilitation efforts, as they have in other conflict zones including Mindanao in the Philippines and Aceh, Indonesia. Much of the rank and file is made up conscripts who may wish to return to civilian life. Second, the successor government will have to make some very hard choices. If parts of the military are demobilized, would those involved be entitled to pensions or other benefits? There is an argument to be made that they should not be, given the destruction and trauma that the military has induced. But the potential for unrest among disgruntled former military members would be too great to ignore. If pensions and benefits are paid to decommissioned soldiers, would the new government have to do the same with the ethnic resistance organizations and people?s defense forces?Many members of the resistance forces harbor high expectations that they will serve as the nucleus of a new national military. Many feel entitled to jobs, salaries and benefits. Consider what happened following East Timor?s independence, when former independence fighters rebelled when they were not given jobs in the police or military that they believed they were owed. Third, the successor government should quickly privatize sprawling military-owned conglomerates Myanma Economic Holdings and Myanma Economic Corp. Their 100-plus subsidiaries operate in almost every sector of the economy. Privatization would help fund security sector reforms. The responsibility of a military should be national defense, not business. Economic activity led to the absolute corruption of Myanmar?s military. A military should not be financially independent but must be reliant on a budget controlled by a civilian government. Fourth, the international community should support programs for the decommissioning of weapons before they enter the black market or are used for further predation of the civilian population. It is too early to tell whether the resistance will defeat the military or whether some leadership elements may seek a negotiated deal. In either case, Myanmar?s military cannot ever again be allowed to have unaccountable political and economic power. This has been the root cause of the country?s malaise. The international community must begin considering how it can assist in supporting the next phase of Myanmar?s political and economic development. In the immediate post-junta future, reform of the security sector will be crucial.
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Alignment Elite	11-Dec-2023 17:24        Alignment About Contact  Quote this Post! Style: Fundamental
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	The United States is not exactly an expert when it comes to competent post-war reconstruction. Just look at what they did in Iraq and Afganistan, to name just two of their more recent ventures. Entropy72      ( Date: 09-Dec-2023 12:59) Posted: Time to start planning postwar future of Myanmar's military Rebuilding will not be possible without thorough reform of the security sector Zachary Abuza November 29, 2023 17:00 JST Zachary Abuza is a professor of national security strategy at the U.S. National War College in Washington and the author of ?Forging Peace in Southeast Asia: Insurgencies, Peace Processes and Reconciliation.? The views expressed here are his own and may not reflect those of the college or the U.S. government. For the first time since Myanmar?s military seized power on Feb. 1, 2021, there are signs that the leadership is seriously rattled. The launch of an unprecedented coordinated offensive last month by three key ethnic armies has had a contagion effect, leading to a wave of concurrent attacks around the country by allied and affiliated ethnic resistance organizations and militias, known as people?s defense forces. Alongside the capture of more than 150 military posts, including those at two key trade hubs along the Chinese border, there are reports of growing desertions and the surrender of at least two battalions.While the regime?s defeat is not a given, it is now possible to start to imagine a return to true civilian rule. As such, the international community should start assisting transitional planning by the country?s democratic forces. Regardless of whether the military collapses or negotiates a settlement, Myanmar?s needs will be enormous. It will require support recovering from severe economic mismanagement, restoring democratic institutions and reinstating effective governance. Equally important and arguably most urgent, planning must begin for the overhaul of Myanmar?s security forces. A key argument from governments reluctant to support Myanmar?s resistance forces has been that only the military can hold the fractious country together. This is a total fallacy. The military, which has ruled Myanmar almost continuously since 1962 save for a decadelong interregnum beginning in 2011, has long been in constant war with its own population to justify its hold on power. Now fears that Myanmar could become a failed state are rising again, particularly among neighboring countries, as fighting escalates and the military suffers hitherto unimaginable battlefield losses. Yet there will be no political vacuum. For all their faults and limitations, Myanmar?s shadow parliament and the parallel National Unity Government enjoy popular legitimacy, thanks largely to their commitment to establishing a federal democratic system and devolving significant political and economic power to state governments. Rebuilding Myanmar will be an enormous undertaking and indeed impossible if there is not a thorough reform of the military. The army must be fundamentally overhauled in order to prevent another coup d?etat or interference in the democratic process. Beyond a transitional justice mechanism for military leaders responsible for atrocities and widespread arrests, there are four issues that any successor government and the international community must consider: First, the Burman-dominated army, known as the Tatmadaw, must be disbanded and rebuilt from scratch. Once thought to number over 400,000 personnel, experts estimate the total force now at under 200,000. This is a broken institution with no sense of profession of arms. Its counterinsurgency doctrine, known as the ?four cuts,? is designed to terrorize the population into submission. War crimes are part of its strategy. But what could take its place? Given the major contributions of ethnic armed groups to the resistance, a British- or Indian-style regimental system, with significant representation by ethnic minorities, would be most appropriate. This would entail the formation of distinct units organized along ethno-linguistic lines and tied to specific regions of the country. There could be a small military command, including headquarters, logistics and procurement, military justice, training and education functions. The navy and air force could also be centralized. The ethnic resistance organizations would have to fold their troops into a national chain of command, with pay, logistics and some centralized training and doctrine. They should be allowed to maintain their independent uniforms and insignia.Committing itself to such a system would garner the National Unity Government trust and goodwill from its allies. The international community should commit to funding disarmament, disengagement and rehabilitation efforts, as they have in other conflict zones including Mindanao in the Philippines and Aceh, Indonesia. Much of the rank and file is made up conscripts who may wish to return to civilian life. Second, the successor government will have to make some very hard choices. If parts of the military are demobilized, would those involved be entitled to pensions or other benefits? There is an argument to be made that they should not be, given the destruction and trauma that the military has induced. But the potential for unrest among disgruntled former military members would be too great to ignore. If pensions and benefits are paid to decommissioned soldiers, would the new government have to do the same with the ethnic resistance organizations and people?s defense forces?Many members of the resistance forces harbor high expectations that they will serve as the nucleus of a new national military. Many feel entitled to jobs, salaries and benefits. Consider what happened following East Timor?s independence, when former independence fighters rebelled when they were not given jobs in the police or military that they believed they were owed. Third, the successor government should quickly privatize sprawling military-owned conglomerates Myanma Economic Holdings and Myanma Economic Corp. Their 100-plus subsidiaries operate in almost every sector of the economy. Privatization would help fund security sector reforms. The responsibility of a military should be national defense, not business. Economic activity led to the absolute corruption of Myanmar?s military. A military should not be financially independent but must be reliant on a budget controlled by a civilian government. Fourth, the international community should support programs for the decommissioning of weapons before they enter the black market or are used for further predation of the civilian population. It is too early to tell whether the resistance will defeat the military or whether some leadership elements may seek a negotiated deal. In either case, Myanmar?s military cannot ever again be allowed to have unaccountable political and economic power. This has been the root cause of the country?s malaise. The international community must begin considering how it can assist in supporting the next phase of Myanmar?s political and economic development. In the immediate post-junta future, reform of the security sector will be crucial.
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Panda8 Veteran	11-Dec-2023 17:16        Panda8 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	71.... 70.... 69.... 68.....  what is next.......
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Entropy72 Master	09-Dec-2023 12:59        Entropy72 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Time to start planning postwar future of Myanmar's military Rebuilding will not be possible without thorough reform of the security sector Zachary Abuza November 29, 2023 17:00 JST Zachary Abuza is a professor of national security strategy at the U.S. National War College in Washington and the author of ?Forging Peace in Southeast Asia: Insurgencies, Peace Processes and Reconciliation.? The views expressed here are his own and may not reflect those of the college or the U.S. government. For the first time since Myanmar?s military seized power on Feb. 1, 2021, there are signs that the leadership is seriously rattled. The launch of an unprecedented coordinated offensive last month by three key ethnic armies has had a contagion effect, leading to a wave of concurrent attacks around the country by allied and affiliated ethnic resistance organizations and militias, known as people?s defense forces. Alongside the capture of more than 150 military posts, including those at two key trade hubs along the Chinese border, there are reports of growing desertions and the surrender of at least two battalions.While the regime?s defeat is not a given, it is now possible to start to imagine a return to true civilian rule. As such, the international community should start assisting transitional planning by the country?s democratic forces. Regardless of whether the military collapses or negotiates a settlement, Myanmar?s needs will be enormous. It will require support recovering from severe economic mismanagement, restoring democratic institutions and reinstating effective governance. Equally important and arguably most urgent, planning must begin for the overhaul of Myanmar?s security forces. A key argument from governments reluctant to support Myanmar?s resistance forces has been that only the military can hold the fractious country together. This is a total fallacy. The military, which has ruled Myanmar almost continuously since 1962 save for a decadelong interregnum beginning in 2011, has long been in constant war with its own population to justify its hold on power. Now fears that Myanmar could become a failed state are rising again, particularly among neighboring countries, as fighting escalates and the military suffers hitherto unimaginable battlefield losses. Yet there will be no political vacuum. For all their faults and limitations, Myanmar?s shadow parliament and the parallel National Unity Government enjoy popular legitimacy, thanks largely to their commitment to establishing a federal democratic system and devolving significant political and economic power to state governments. Rebuilding Myanmar will be an enormous undertaking and indeed impossible if there is not a thorough reform of the military. The army must be fundamentally overhauled in order to prevent another coup d?etat or interference in the democratic process. Beyond a transitional justice mechanism for military leaders responsible for atrocities and widespread arrests, there are four issues that any successor government and the international community must consider: First, the Burman-dominated army, known as the Tatmadaw, must be disbanded and rebuilt from scratch. Once thought to number over 400,000 personnel, experts estimate the total force now at under 200,000. This is a broken institution with no sense of profession of arms. Its counterinsurgency doctrine, known as the ?four cuts,? is designed to terrorize the population into submission. War crimes are part of its strategy. But what could take its place? Given the major contributions of ethnic armed groups to the resistance, a British- or Indian-style regimental system, with significant representation by ethnic minorities, would be most appropriate. This would entail the formation of distinct units organized along ethno-linguistic lines and tied to specific regions of the country. There could be a small military command, including headquarters, logistics and procurement, military justice, training and education functions. The navy and air force could also be centralized. The ethnic resistance organizations would have to fold their troops into a national chain of command, with pay, logistics and some centralized training and doctrine. They should be allowed to maintain their independent uniforms and insignia.Committing itself to such a system would garner the National Unity Government trust and goodwill from its allies. The international community should commit to funding disarmament, disengagement and rehabilitation efforts, as they have in other conflict zones including Mindanao in the Philippines and Aceh, Indonesia. Much of the rank and file is made up conscripts who may wish to return to civilian life. Second, the successor government will have to make some very hard choices. If parts of the military are demobilized, would those involved be entitled to pensions or other benefits? There is an argument to be made that they should not be, given the destruction and trauma that the military has induced. But the potential for unrest among disgruntled former military members would be too great to ignore. If pensions and benefits are paid to decommissioned soldiers, would the new government have to do the same with the ethnic resistance organizations and people?s defense forces?Many members of the resistance forces harbor high expectations that they will serve as the nucleus of a new national military. Many feel entitled to jobs, salaries and benefits. Consider what happened following East Timor?s independence, when former independence fighters rebelled when they were not given jobs in the police or military that they believed they were owed. Third, the successor government should quickly privatize sprawling military-owned conglomerates Myanma Economic Holdings and Myanma Economic Corp. Their 100-plus subsidiaries operate in almost every sector of the economy. Privatization would help fund security sector reforms. The responsibility of a military should be national defense, not business. Economic activity led to the absolute corruption of Myanmar?s military. A military should not be financially independent but must be reliant on a budget controlled by a civilian government. Fourth, the international community should support programs for the decommissioning of weapons before they enter the black market or are used for further predation of the civilian population. It is too early to tell whether the resistance will defeat the military or whether some leadership elements may seek a negotiated deal. In either case, Myanmar?s military cannot ever again be allowed to have unaccountable political and economic power. This has been the root cause of the country?s malaise. The international community must begin considering how it can assist in supporting the next phase of Myanmar?s political and economic development. In the immediate post-junta future, reform of the security sector will be crucial.
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Entropy72 Master	08-Dec-2023 12:59        Entropy72 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Myanmar Junta Asks China to Pressure Brotherhood Alliance to End Offensive By The Irrawaddy December 7, 2023 When junta foreign minister Than Swe met his Chinese counterpart in Beijing on Wednesday, he asked China to use its influence over the Three Brotherhood Alliance to encourage it to stop fighting and enter peace talks with the regime, sources said. Than Swe held direct talks with Wang Yi on Wednesday after he arrived in Beijing to attend the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Foreign Minister?s meeting on Thursday. The visit occurred after the regime lost control of a substantial swath of its border with China to the alliance comprising the Ta?ang National Liberation Army, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Arakan Army. Together they launched Operation 1027 on October 27. Than Swe?s visit to Beijing was his first since the coordinated attacks by the alliance began. ?China hopes that Myanmar will achieve national reconciliation and continue its political transformation process under the constitutional framework as soon as possible,? Wang Yi said in the meeting according to China?s foreign ministry. Regime media reported that the two discussed accelerating construction of the Kyaukphyu deep-sea port in western Myanmar?s Rakhine State and construction of a railroad linking Rakhine with Yunnan Province via Myanmar?s second-largest city, Mandalay. The two projects are part of China?s Belt and Road Initiative. The pair also discussed stepping up the fight against drugs, human trafficking, and online scams, as well as cooperation in the electricity sector. However, sources familiar with the talks said the message from Naypyidaw to Wang Yi was to broker peace talks between it and the Brotherhood Alliance. The junta wants China to use its influence on the Brotherhood Alliance to make it stop fighting and enter peace talks under new conditions and to deliver the message that junta boss Min Aung Hlaing is ready to make concessions, the sources said. ?The junta begged for talks with the alliance,? one China source said. China has influence on some of Myanmar?s ethnic armed groups near its border, including the members of the Brotherhood Alliance. The junta believes that China can stop the alliance?s offensive, some observers say. However, they added that even if China intervenes it is very unlikely that the three alliance members will stop fighting because they have already gained territory. The regime has so far lost control of nearly 20 towns since Operation 1027 was launched. Seven of them are in northern Shan State. Over 300 junta positions have also fallen, more than 200 of which are near the Myanmar-China border in northern Shan State. Two weeks before Than Swe?s visit to China, the regime authorized anti-China protests in Naypyitaw and Yangon in which junta-backed nationalists accused Beijing of attempting to destroy Myanmar by selling weapons to ethnic armed organizations based near its border in northern Myanmar, as well as to People?s Defense Forces. Min Aung Hlaing also lamented at an emergency meeting of the National Defense and Security Council on Nov. 8 that junta positions in northern Shan State were being bombed mainly with China-made drones that can easily be bought in Myanmar. But a week later, the regime changed its tone, and repeatedly proclaimed that it had a ?strong and amicable? relationship with Beijing, saying the ties will only grow stronger over time. Meanwhile, the MNDAA is poised to launch its final attack on Laukkai, the capital of Kokang Self-Administered Zone, on the China-Myanmar border. Wang Yi was quoted by junta media as saying that he told Than Swe at the meeting that China respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Myanmar, and would not intervene in the country?s internal affairs.
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Goodwill77 Supreme	07-Dec-2023 07:34        Goodwill77 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Later open price level important on intention Once reach 75 point than more confidence return, last few sessions volume quite good  Dyodd Volmax      ( Date: 06-Dec-2023 21:22) Posted: Support moved from 68 to 70 / 71. Tomorrow open 72 and cheong to 75. Goodwill77      ( Date: 06-Dec-2023 20:53) Posted: closed at day high 72 total volume 3.45m mainly done at 7 Dyodd
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Volmax Elite	06-Dec-2023 21:22        Volmax About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Support moved from 68 to 70 / 71. Tomorrow open 72 and cheong to 75. Goodwill77      ( Date: 06-Dec-2023 20:53) Posted: closed at day high 72 total volume 3.45m mainly done at 7 Dyodd
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Goodwill77 Supreme	06-Dec-2023 20:53        Goodwill77 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 1   x 0  Alert Admin	closed at day high 72 total volume 3.45m mainly done at 7 Dyodd
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waitlonglong2011 Senior	06-Dec-2023 08:09        waitlonglong2011 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/myanmar-military-coup-junta-rebel-offensive-fighting-3966751 Commentary: Myanmar' s military stares at defeat as rebel forces go on the offensive
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Goodwill77 Supreme	06-Dec-2023 06:18        Goodwill77 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Done 5.2m yesterday mainly at 69 to 71 can it stay above 7
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Entropy72 Master	05-Dec-2023 11:50        Entropy72 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Myanmar regime says armed groups must solve problems 'politically' Military now seeks dialogue as it faces hardest time since 2021 power grab December 5, 2023 12:26 JST (Reuters) ? Myanmar?s junta leader, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, has called on armed ethnic groups involved in an offensive against the country?s ruling military to solve their problems ?politically,? state media reported on Tuesday. ?[He] warned that if armed organisations keep on being foolish, residents of the relevant regions will suffer bad impacts. So, it is necessary to consider the lives of the people, and those organisations need to solve their problems politically,? the Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported. Myanmar?s military is facing the biggest challenge to its grip on the Southeast Asian nation since taking power in a 2021 coup, after three ethnic minority forces launched a coordinated offensive in late October, capturing some towns, including major border trade zones, and military posts. A parallel civilian government backing some of the armed rebel groups dismissed Min Aung Hlaing?s call for dialogue. ?As they are losing badly on the ground, they are trying to find an exit route. There would be genuine dialogue if the military guarantees that it no longer has a role in politics they must be under an elected government,? said Kyaw Zaw, a spokesperson for the parallel National Unity Government. Amid fighting in Shan state on the border with China, and Rakhine and Chin states in the west, dozens of military and police officials have surrendered, according to media and footage verified by Reuters. Tens of thousands of residents have been displaced by the fighting, according to the United Nations.
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HuatAh7898 Elite	05-Dec-2023 11:38        HuatAh7898 About Contact  Quote this Post!
x 0   x 0  Alert Admin	Enjoy it next eat up target 75 Huat ah!
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